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English Language Page According to international human rights organizations, in a number of states in Central and Eastern Europe, the governments’ policies towards the Roma minority (which is more numerous than in Russia) are frequently discriminatory. On the other hand, xenophobia in Western Europe is more of a social phenomenon (the situation in southern Europe is somewhat worse). Moreover, in countries such as the United Kingdom and Ireland, the state policy is often targeted at overcoming unfair, discriminatory Roma stereotypes and at solving their specific problems. On the whole, the situation in Russia is better than that in Eastern Europe because there are no openly discriminatory elements in the government policy towards the Roma. However, it is necessary to note that the problem of xenophobia in society is quite serious and that the pervasive xenophobic atmosphere influences the actions of officials in government positions. Historically, the position of the Roma in Russia was somewhat better than their position in other European countries. While the Russian empire’s policy in the IX century with respect to such peoples as the Poles and the Jews was explicitly discriminatory, there were no laws targeting the Roma. There were provisions that were adopted to levy duties on the Roma — duties that applied to the rest of the population — that were never, in fact, enforced. Of course, there was xenophobia with respect to the Roma, but negative stereotypes coexisted with the romantic image of the Roma as a symbol of freedom, which took root in Russian literature. With the state’s support, the first years of Soviet power were a time for the active development of Roma national culture. The Roma experienced repression just as other citizens of the USSR experienced repression, however the repression was not targeted against the Roma as a nation as it was targeted against, for example, the Chechens, the Jews, or the Crimean Tatars. It was during the “thaw” period that the Roma found themselves at the center of Soviet national policy. They were denied the right to live according to their traditions. On October 5, 1956, the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet issued a decree “On Involving Vagrant Roma in Labor Activities” that prohibited the Roma from wandering and required that vagrant Roma immediately settle down and obtain permanent housing registration. Using the propagandist tradition, the issuance of the decree was “justified” by letters from “Soviet laborers” that legitimized xenophobia towards the Roma. The letters reflected an aversion to Roma culture and the traditional mode of life. Compulsion towards a settled way of living — as a rule, enrollment in a collective farm with unfamiliar types of activities — turned out to be a real tragedy for several generations of Russian Roma. Suffice it to say that the firm rejection of the traditional ways of living — such as trade and crafts, the preservation of which was impossible under conditions of settled living — led to the marginalization of numerous Roma families, to their rapid impoverishment, and to the loss of professional skills. Also, as a result, the Roma could not adapt to the new living conditions. The Roma population in Russian villages found itself in the position of misunderstood and frequently unaccepted outsiders, whose relations with local residents, although not everywhere, retained feelings of mutual dislike for a long time. In addition, the population always regarded the Roma with a great deal of tension and suspicion. These events largely contributed to the current unfavorable position of a significant part of the Russian Roma and to the spread of xenophobia towards them. The Soviet authorities differentiated citizens based on their nationality (ethnicity), which for the Roma turned into discrimination. The state policy in contemporary Russia is free from such an approach, but Soviet traditions are still very powerful when it comes to the everyday practice of regional and local authorities. The traditions themselves contributed to the outburst of xenophobia in the 1990s, especially towards Caucasians. The Roma became hostages of the massive hatred towards those people whom xenophobic citizens call “blacks.” Among the hated “blacks,” there are visitors from the Caucasus and Central Asia, indigenous RF residents with darker features, people who speak Russian with an accent and those who speak Russian much better than their offenders, citizens of the former USSR, and foreigners who arrive from afar. Essentially, this includes all of those people who ethnically differ from a certain, undefined “Slavic type” — especially those who look swarthier or “more oriental.” The Roma belong in this category. Associating the Roma with a mythical race of “blacks” was a new feature in the old practice of discrimination and oppression of the Roma. Previously, Europeans, including Russians, disliked and feared the Roma because of archaic prejudices and everyday xenophobia (“why don’t they live the way we do, they wander, they tell fortunes, where did so many children come from, etc.). Today, the statement “they are blacks” is a sufficient reason for hatred. Here is an indicative example. Thanks to efforts of local teachers, additional lessons on Roma folklore are conducted in a school where Russian and Roma children study and coexist peacefully. The teacher helps the Roma children learn a song in their native language. One of the Russian schoolboys looks into the hall where the class is in session and asks the teacher the following question: The growth of such manifestations of intolerance makes one pay special attention to the attitude of young neo-nazis, especially skinheads, towards the Roma, whom the neo-nazis have already included in their victim lists. It is the Roma who are the primary objects of their attacks in Eastern Europe. Since well-developed links usually exist within an ideological subculture such as the skinheads, one may expect an outburst of stereotypical anti-Roma sentiments in Russia, especially considering that some cases have already been registered. In August 2001, several individuals from a Roma community in the vicinity of Volgograd were violently attacked by skinheads/neo-nazis. As a result, two people were killed. The attackers’ ethnic intolerance was recognized as the only reason for the attack (2). According to the Roma residents of the Peri settlement (Leningrad region), in 2002 the aggressive behavior of certain groups of St. Petersburg teenagers towards Roma women fortune-tellers who go to St. Petersburg in search of work got significantly worse. For example, in January-February 2002, Roma women were repeatedly attacked by young individuals (15-year-olds and 16-year-olds). They repeatedly attacked Roma women on the Devyatkino platform (northern suburb of St. Petersburg). Teenagers would beat the women, spray tear gas in their eyes, and even attack pregnant women and women with children. They would accompany their actions by yelling “Death to the Gypsies!” Analogous slogans constantly appear in commuter trains and on platforms along this railroad (3). Manifestations of xenophobia towards the Roma as “blacks” indicate that the hatred is now simply caused by the Roma appearance: their facial features, language, and clothes represent the most noticeable signs of an association with a different people. In the past, prejudices and a negative attitude towards the Roma were determined initially by their unusual lifestyle namely their unusual traditions and livelihood. Such racism (which, as a matter of fact, is the cause of unmotivated aggression) is characteristic of not only street teenagers and hooligans. Police representatives who use visual ethnic features as a criterion for “suspiciousness” also frequently demonstrate this attitude. Over the past several years the attitude of the police towards the Roma has noticeably changed. Due to social marginalization and a “southern” appearance, the Roma have been included in the category of “blacks” towards whom the level of police xenophobia is very high. The police discriminate against the Roma in places where they compactly reside, deliberately extorting bribes. According to members of a Roma family from the Alexandrovskaya village (in the outskirts of St. Petersburg), “the police always stop and examine our car seeing that there are blacks inside. They simply look for something that they can profit from (4).” Although human rights defense mechanisms in Russia do not work effectively, they often limit arbitrary rule. However, the Roma are very disadvantaged in this respect: their inability and lack of desire to resort to legal methods for protection are often exacerbated by the cynical attitude of authorities towards grievances coming from them, as well as by the fact that extortionists from among the police are sure that the “gypsies will never go complaining.” But when representatives of this deprived minority do try to protect their rights before individuals vested with power, manifestations of xenophobic attitudes from those in power become especially evident. Having been attacked by a drunken man who broke her arm and demonstrated an inclination to continue his violent actions against her, Lala Mikhai, a Roma fortune-teller permanently residing in the town of Alexandrov (Vladimir region), attempted to solicit protection from representatives of the railway station police. Mikhai managed to reach the police department, but the policeman on duty immediately took the side of her attacker. According to Lala Mikhai, he actually said, “I would break her other arm if I had the power (5).” Confident in their impunity, representatives of law-enforcement authorities often openly inform Roma looking for justice that their attitude towards them is “very special.” Letters from Roma from the city of Pskov and the Pskov region in which they complain about the unfair and biased attitudes of the authorities are indicative examples. Passages from these letters demonstrate how cynical representatives of the police and the local administration can sometimes be blunt in their xenophobia and how direct discrimination leads to constant violations of human rights and an inability to get legal protection of one’s rights. Archaic accusations of sorcery, suggestions that the Roma should go without housing if they are wanderers, and constant declarations such as “you all are thieves and frauds, you know better how to live,” suggestions “to kill all the gypsies,” etc are omnipresent in contemporary Russia. In this respect, it is worth paying attention to the words of T. Dumbrovskaya (Roma, female) who said that “after what happened in Chechnya, I am afraid to go outside in the evening.” This is a confirmation that the outburst of anti-Caucasian and anti-Chechen moods has affected the Roma who have nothing to do with the events in the Caucasus. (It should be also noted that the Roma have resided in the Pskov region for 200–300 years). The full testimony of T. Dumbrovskaya and other testimonies of Roma residing in Pskov are quoted bellow to illustrate the problem of overt hostility against the Roma: I am Tamara Alexeyevna Dumbrovskaya. We live on a pension, on mine and my daughter’s, sometimes it is not enough even to buy pills, and we are tired of applying for help, no measuresare taken, and no assistance is given to us. They say that all the gypsies live well, they can apply for assistance and pay for it. They say, the gypsies all look like one another, all they want is profit. They look at us as if we were Muslims, they say, they are all — blacks, they have to be killed and after what happened in Chechnya I am afraid of going outside in the evening. OR I, Nadezhda Petrovna Lipunova, born May 24, 1944, am writing this to request that I be provided with housing with conveniences, but nobody even wants to talk to me saying that you — gypsies, frauds, and sorcerers — should be driven out of town altogether, but we are ordinary people just like everybody else. Officers detain me and beat me for no reason. I request that my complaint against the Pskov authorities be considered and not ignored. OR I, Lidia Alexandrovna Kozlova, reside in Pskov and have seven children. Sixteen people all together are registered and live on 27 square meters. I have applied to the Pskov administration, repeatedly explained that we can’t go on like that — so many people on these 27 square meters. And that I am a sick woman, I can’t, I have a heart condition. That I need housing with conveniences, that I often get sick because of overwork. They said that you have wandered and you can wander now. They just sneer at me. They said that we are gypsies. They declined my request. Last year, our cow was stolen, this year — our horse. We applied to the police and they said, ‘We do not know where to go and look for your horse.’ They say, ‘You are gypsies and you will find it sooner yourselves.’ I request that you consider my complaint for our nation, because we are people just like everybody else, and find out how we can possibly be different from the others. Authorities in Pskov are unfair and treat the gypsy nation very badly. OR I am Vera Kazimirovna Masalskaya, born on May 25, 1945. We live on 425 roubles a month with our children, we often go hungry. I have applied for assistance many times, but Pskov authorities do not consider our appeals. The address, at which we are registered with children, that house has not been there for a long time already, it was pulled down two years ago, and we all are registered there. Therefore, I have to move from people to people with my children, all my relatives live in Latvia, I have no one in Pskov. I have applied to the Pskov administration. I said that we had nowhere to go, that there is no house, only land. And they sneer at me saying that we, gypsies, are used to wandering. Police officers speak as if we were people not like others. I request that you consider my complaint against the Pskov authorities. Because it is impossible to go on living like this. OR I am Petrova, Alexandra Alexandrovna, born in 1960, three children, one is disabled, with a second-class disability, I live alone with the children, beg, the children are half-starved. No matter how many times I applied to the authorities — it was all useless, nobody pays attention. They learn that we are gypsies and refuse to talk to us. I don’t know what to do. OR I, Levitskaya Oxana Nikolayevna, currently reside in Pskov. I live without a passport, without registration, although I have an apartment. I complained, went and asked, but — it was useless. Even having health insurance I cannot count on free medical assistance because my passport is invalid, and my child has to start school this year (he was born in 1995) and what is there to do — I do not know. And nobody wants to take care of this, therefore, it turns out that the gypsies are not like other people, everything is all wrong with them all the time, and they are not allowed to be like all other people. Everyone turns away from us. And I am not the only one who is treated this way, as soon as it is known that a person is a gypsy, they immediately turn away, in all instances. I do not want to say that it is always so, but in the majority of cases. And there is no respect for us as a nation at all, they say it looking straight in our eyes. They say, all gypsies are thieves, frauds, even sorcerers, and such treatment is unbearable (6). The Roma from the town of Ostrov (Pskov region) also complain about deprivation and undeserved animosity, for example: THE KOZLOVSKY FAMILY Vladislav Ivanovich raises his 12-year-old daughter alone. He does not receive any benefits because they are simply not provided to him. The girl is in the fourth grade now. At school she is treated badly. She is called names and this makes her lose the desire to study. Although she wants to acquire an education very much. THE TIKHONOV FAMILY Ludmila Ivanovna — unemployed. She has two daughters. Her husband has a second class disability. He receives a disability pension of 600 roubles and the entire family lives on it. The daughters are educated but they cannot find employment. As soon as employers learn that they are gypsies, they immediately refuse to hire them (7). Analogous complaints can be heard in other parts of the Pskov region as well, for example, in the Novorzhevsky district of the Pskov region (Vasyugino village), where a local resident, Tatiana Samulevich noted, “Here I come to the administration and they totally refuse altogether to meet with me. And when Russians come, they normally help them out. And to me right in my face, ‘Ah, we are sick of you, gypsies.” (8) Roma Relationships with prosecutorial and judicial authorities sometimes are no less dramatic than their relationships with the police and the administration. Bias and xenophobia on the part of investigators, prosecutors and judges often serve as grounds for unjustified searches and arrests, unjust verdicts, and excessively long terms of imprisonment. As a result, the Roma do not believe in the very possibility of a conscientious investigation and fair court proceedings, which ultimately reduces the motivation for law-abiding behavior. In light of this, it is not all that surprising that in the human rights surveys that we conduct among the Roma population we rarely encounter families whose members have never been convicted of a crime or have not served time in prison. Here is an example of an obvious abuse committed by a judge as a result of prejudice. In 2000, a 20-year-old resident of the town of Ostrov, Zobar (a Roma according to his passport), together with his Russian friends, broke the window of a local store. All of them were immediately apprehended and they did not deny being guilty. According to Zobar’s mother, Vera K., “the Russians were released, while Zobar got three years in prison for ‘hooliganism.’ The investigator was good, he wanted to close the case, but judge Khokhlova (from the town court) said, ‘Since he is a gypsy, he will be prosecuted. I will send all the gypsies to prison. Let him spend some time there, he will understand later.’ (9) In some localities, court representatives openly demonstrate their xenophobic attitude towards the Roma even during court proceedings. For example, according to many witnesses, in the town of Porkhov (Pskov region) “the Porkhov deputy prosecutor said at a court hearing, ‘The gypsies are nobodies, they have neither a motherland, nor a flag.’ He said this at a court proceeding convicting a woman who had allegedly purchased something that had been previously stolen. She was denounced by a 13-year-old robber.” The town residents similarly complained about the local judge, “Here is the judge of the Porkhov town court, Shikera Olga Stanislavovna, she is a cruel judge who hates the gypsies.” In addition to cases of arbitrary ruling based upon the officials’ personal dislike of the Roma people, there are complaints about the “collusive cover-ups in court” when people with the passport entry “Ethnicity — Roma” have to deal with the same investigators and judges from whom they can expect no justice. For example, residents of the Leningrad region specifically complain about the Gatchina district court. Here is one case narrated by residents of the Srebreno settlement: The court hearing was held in Gatchina. Judge Mikhailov, Pavel Leonidovich, is a beast. For this judge, all gypsies are drug dealers. He would always give the maximum punishment provided by the law. He hasn’t spared a single person!! He doesn’t even listen to the attorneys. He hates the gypsies. But all gypsy cases are always given to him, he judges all the gypsies himself. Whenever there’s a gypsy, he judges him, these cases are never given to others (10). Many of those who are kept in pre-trial detention facilities cannot count on better treatment because, first of all, the attitude of the wardens towards the Roma is determined by their negative stereotypes with regard to the Roma ethnicity, secondly, there is a commonly accepted belief that “these gypsies will never go complain,” and thirdly, there is confidence that the arrested Roma are totally deprived of any rights and are completely dependent. We found out about the following case from an elderly Roma woman from St. Petersburg, T. M.: On May 27, 2001, I was in a cell of the Zakharyevskaya prison. Another gypsy woman was placed in my cell — a young girl who was a drug addict (Article 228, Section 1 of the Criminal Code). On this day, a guard came into our cell and ordered me to face the window. He approached the girl and began to undress her. She was like a log, kept silent, didn’t ask for help. When I turned to them, the girl was naked and he had his pants down. I cried out loud… Others came to investigate the noise I made. The victim then explained that she was silent because she was afraid. The rapist-guard then tried to cajole us, even brought us some tea and promised to arrange for attorneys. The warden then came, apologized, and said ‘this isn’t a norm with us.’ Such insults and humiliations were caused by the fact that we are gypsies. They would yell at the girl, ‘You have no education and are a gypsy at that — so stay in prison! (11)’ A particular problem is the violence used by representatives of the authorities caused by their hatred towards the Roma. Police officials and representatives of other law enforcement agencies everywhere sort out their problems with “disliked” ethnic minorities using fists and boots. In a number of cases, representatives of law-enforcement agencies are bold enough to treat even women and children in such a way. While conducting our human rights surveys, we obtained information about a number of similar cases that occurred in 2001 alone: about the assault on the Sukhovsky family in the town of Priozyorsk (Leningrad region), about the infliction of severe injuries on V. Verbitsky in the Gorelovo settlement in the vicinity of St. Petersburg, about the numerous police attacks on Roma houses in the Trubichino settlement (Novgorod region), and about the atrocious beating of a Roma family from the village of Toroshino (Pskov region) (12). In all of these cases, the officials did not conceal their racist motives. For example, the testimony of the Ivanov-Tsybulsky family from the Toroshino village shows the racist behavior of the policemen who apprehended 34-year-old Vasily Tsybulsky: He was brought to the investigator in Pskov, to the railway station. The officers (the name of one of them was Rogatkin) said, ‘We will take you home.’ Instead, they brought him to the woods by Kopay. There they said, ‘Get out.’ One of them immediately hit him on the neck with his foot. Then, he ran up and hit him again with his foot in the groin. Tsybulsky fell into a ditch. The officer began to kick him with his feet in the ditch. Tsybulsky said, ‘You have already killed me, let me go. I have my kids to raise still.’ Then, the cop took out his gun and said, ‘Come, gypsy, let’s sort it out man to man. I was a friend of the gypsies when I was a kid till one of them cut me with his knife. I am now angry with gypsies.’ Then, he took a cartridge and said, ‘I will turn you, gypsy, into a terrorist, will put a cartridge in your pocket.’ Tsybulsky answered, ‘Better give me a subpoena. I’ll comply.’ Then, they issued a subpoena and let him go (13). This story has a continuation. When the outraged mother and sister-in-law of the beaten Tsybulsky filed a complaint with the regional prosecutor, people in uniform came to their house and, having smashed the door lock, broke into the house and, as a punishment for the grievance, beat up the two children. One of the children, Georgy Ignatyev (13-year-old), said “Also in June of 2001, I was at home. Policemen came in, there were three of them. They proceeded directly to my brother Dima. He was in bed, and they started to beat him right in the bed.” Dima, who is 20-years-old and mentally retarded, described the incident as follows: They wore soldier’s clothes and masks with slits for the eyes. My brother and I were in bed. They came in and started to beat us right in the bed. Then they got into a car (a white VAZ-2106). They said, ‘If you go complaining, we’ll come again and kill you.’ They would hit in the chest and on the head with their boots. When I tried to get up, they threw me on the floor face down. They put their feet on my back, twisted my arms, and tortured me. My brother tried to get away, they did the same to him, but he got away. He began to stutter heavily since then.”(14) Complaints about the arbitrary rule and violence of the police were heard in almost every Roma house in the Trubichino settlement, although people were afraid of speaking about the omnipotent authorities. Still, the patience of many ran out. Mikhail noted, “We have the largest number of complaints about the police — they beat us, abuse us, and it is impossible to find the guilty. Sometimes they extort money, they extorted money from me personally.” The following was reported in another house inhabited by a Roma family: The police constantly beat us, and almost killed us once. It happened about a month ago. Nikolai was walking in the evening, and from behind he heard, ‘Halt!’ These were people with shaven heads, no uniform. Nikolai thought it was skinheads and ran. They ran after him and shot, Nikolai does not know if they shot at him or up in the air. When they reached him, it turned out they were cops. They beat him atrociously (15). It is not by hearsay that the Roma people know about racism in its most frightful manifestations. Still alive in the Pskov region are Roma who went through German concentration camps. It is terrifying to hear how the oldest compare the present arbitrary rule and racism of the police with the behavior of the Nazis. This is what Tamara (born 1930), a former inmate of a concentration camp, emphasized, “They would take us to the police station and beat us so severely, like the Germans did, punishing our people. At school and in the streets, they yell at our children, call them names ‘Morik, Morik!’ (16) Perhaps the most pronounced form of racism is the persecution of children of a certain nation or race. When all the negative stereotypes and manifestations of intolerance towards one people or another extend as far as to include children — it is pure racism. It is not rare for the police to extend their xenophobic attitudes to include Roma children. A typical case occurred in early 2002 in the Alexandrovskaya village in the vicinity of St. Petersburg. It happened to the Afanasyev family. The following story was told by Maria Afanasyeva: The police were coming and my grandson, aged 12, was at his aunt’s. They stopped him, searched him all over (their car license plate number was either 4116 or 4119), and his aunt Tanya came out and says, ‘What are you doing? This boy is only 12!’ And what was that to them? They searched him and let him go. Had there been something to take, they would have taken it, money or a music-player, this has happened before many times (17). Nikolai Rybnikov, a resident of the Pushkinskiye Gory, described a situation that is far worse: Two weeks ago, a gypsy child, Grisha Verbitsky, aged 12, was visiting me. He had taken a bicycle to ride. The policemen came to our house. They gave him a beating! Officer Roman Odnov (his father is a big shot) and Korotkonozhkin (he was later transferred to Pskov). They grabbed the kid and threw him right against the fence. I ran out to them, and they threw themselves upon me with their fists. They took the bicycle and the kid. Then, they returned the bicycle to its owner. I may hardly be literate, but even I understand that a child must not be beaten against the fence. And should a gypsy ever come to the police on business –say to get a driver’s license or registration — they yell right away, ‘Out, get out! (18)’ Roma children suffer from manifestations of racism in schools, in the streets, and in any public place. Recently, in many cities, towns and villages, the situation has changed drastically: it is now dangerous to appear alone in the street, and it is impossible to go to village parties or to a dance in the evening. Young people are persecuted and sneered at all over the place. Sometimes, it is possible to find out about the racist moods of adolescents from themselves. Thus, a Russian boy Vadik, aged 12, eagerly voiced his opinion about the Roma and what kind of treatment they deserve. He said that his godfather, Uncle Tolya, belongs to Malyshev’s mafia group in St. Petersburg. In Opochka, he is in the “bottom squad.” He executes the orders of people who have problems with Roma “their arms are twisted and there they are in the car already.” Roma houses in Opochka are set on fire. The Roma themselves are driven away. “Like, yesterday, they were all driven out from the feast.” The Roma are driven out from squares, and Vadik himself drives them away too “because they are all thieves. There are too many gypsies, one can’t handle them all that easily. We will drive them out of Opochka, going to build a special colony near Pskov to make them all work at a factory there (19).” Although this idea to create a colony for the Roma is hardly probable, nevertheless it is terrible even as an intention. Vadik has certainly borrowed this idea from the adults. The situation in Opochka (Pskov region) is indeed characterized by the utmost cruelty in the relationship between the Russians and the Roma. In 2001, during the month of May alone, nine Roma houses, several barns, and a car were set on fire. The police refused to initiate criminal cases based on these facts. Firefighters would go reluctantly to extinguish these fires saying, “We will not put out gypsy fires any more — we are sick of that.” (20) In the meantime, the hatred of the local population towards the Roma manifests itself not only in arsons, but also in endless mockery and street persecutions when insulting slurs are followed by flying rocks. Vladimir Yavlonsky points out that the situation has radically changed for the worse: And now you can’t go out alone at night. I don’t allow my daughters to go far into town. It wasn’t like this before. The town used to be a real haven — one could walk out alone at two or three in the morning. Then, these young kids appeared, called us ‘Apaches.’ My daughter-in-law once went out to them and said, ‘It is not our fault that we were born gypsies.’ But they would still say ‘Apaches’ and that’s all. On May 9 this year, I saw two people on motorbikes. They had a flag that was all red and there was a white ring on it and a black swastika inside. Gypsies are much worse off these days; our people don’t go to the dance anymore — they’d be beaten up (21). The strange and very offensive slur “Apaches” has taken root almost everywhere in the Russian northwest, joining no less humiliating nicknames derived from Roma words, such as the aforementioned “Morik” (derived from the Roma word “more” that means “friend”). Such insults immediately point to the specific attitude of the local Russians towards the Roma in cases when the Roma are attacked in the streets. Such a case took place in the relatively quiet town of Pushkinskiye Gory. We found out about the attack from Yevgeniya Kozlova, the mother of Roman, a Roma boy who had been victimized. As Yevgeniya retold us, “In May of 2000, Roman went to the Svyatogorsky monastery, at about six o’clock at night. A car stopped by and two locals (one had served a term in prison) got out and called Roma ‘Morik’. They immediately proceeded to beat him, threw off his jacket, searched him all over, and beat him up. He had a black eye.”(22) Even the very word “gypsy” is beginning to be perceived as negative, even though previously the Russian Roma had never objected to this name for their people and even now are not inclined to give it up. Still, the stereotype “gypsy — bad person” does affect their self-esteem. This is how it has manifested in a Roma from Toroshino, N. Kozlov, whose photograph in the newspaper (together with a number of the other top workers) was shown to us by his proud wife, Svetlana. “My husband works so very well, everybody knows him, he is not even called a ‘gypsy’ anymore, they treat him real respectfully, they say that he is Russian.” (23) Undoubtedly, mass media contributes significantly to the promotion of many negative stereotypes. It is sufficient to pay attention only to the headlines of newspaper articles dedicated to the Roma, such as “Adventures of the Motley: in Contrast to Bessarabia, in Moscow Gypsies Wander in Gangs, Not in Noisy Crowds” (Moskovskaya Pravda, November 20, 2001), “Gypsies Take off Their Curse While They Take off Their Fur-Coat” (Komsomolskaya Pravda, February 5, 2001), “Do Not Send Me to the Gypsy-Camp” (Komsomolskaya Pravda, May 5, 2001), “Ruby, Gild the Handcuffs” (Smena, February 27, 2002); and numerous similar articles in all sorts of newspapers with titles like “The Gypsy-Camp Goes to Prison” or “Mother of Heroin,” etc. It must be said that publications that are not associated with criminal issues are exceptionally rare, and those that do not hint at the “criminality of the nation” are even more rare. Even in articles that claim to be exclusively “ethnographical,” journalists rarely refrain from intimations that are generally rude and pointless. Apart from “criminal” and “ethnographical” articles, there is another category, i.e., articles on social issues that raise contemporary problems of the Roma people. Among the articles issued over the past three years, we have identified only two or three, whose authors managed to keep themselves from sliding down into blunt racism or, as it often happens, and into the allegedly humorous clowning around that strongly smacks of “merry xenophobia.” (The article “There is No Cleaner and More Faithful Woman Than a Gypsy!” in Komsomolskaya Pravda of January 16, 2001, can serve as a vivid illustration of the latter.) It is not rare that journalists strike us with the very absurdity of their declarations. For example, in the “Criminal Communities” section in Narodnaya Gazeta on November 8, 2001, under the headline “Whose Money Do Gypsies Live On?,” there was a photograph of a Roma folk group accompanied by the following line: “Not all gypsies are frauds and thieves, some make their living by art.” Apparently, much of what causes our indignation in such articles is associated not as much with the deliberate intention to soil or insult the Roma people, as it is with the journalists’ ignorance and lack of taste. The word “gypsy” causes a rather poor sequence of associations in the minds of the authors of these publications: gypsy-camp (aha, it seems to be going somewhere), Bessarabia (that is where they wander), multiple children, drugs (can it be true that they all come up with the “heroin — heroine” pun independently from each other or do they plagiarize?), fortune-telling, barons, fraud, etc. In general, the authors of the above-mentioned publications are not spiteful racists. They express the opinion and knowledge of the majority; their xenophobia is almost universal xenophobia. Still, such ignorance and malice can be hardly forgiven because these authors have the power to form public opinion and dramatically affect the viewpoints of their readers. G. Demeter and N. Demeter, activists of the Roma National Cultural Autonomy, have repeatedly written about the unfairness and harmfulness of covering Roma life in such a way in the press. Recently, we have witnessed the appearance of the Roma and the Press bulletin issued by N. Bessonov. These publications make a special effort to break the existing stereotypes and myths about the Roma and condemn the intentional criminalization of the image of the Roma in the mass media. We do not want to dwell upon specific newspapers in the ultra-nationalist spectrum. Their attitude towards the Roma is due to their violent nationalism and overall extremism. Such publications are found in the Novy Petersburg and Pskovskaya Niva newspapers. Unthinkable accusations and insults addressed to the Roma are accompanied by a direct call for massacres and murders of the representatives of this allegedly dangerous people. It must be noted that, if several years ago such newspapers focused their attention mostly on Caucasians and Jews, lately they have added the Roma to their list of the most hated ethnic group. More serious is the situation around messages about the “criminality” of the Roma that have appeared lately (February — March 2002) in the central mass media in light of the so-called operation “Camp” conducted by law-enforcement agencies. It is impossible to ignore the biased nature of the name of the operation: “camp” is a concept that is associated exclusively with the traditional mode of life of a certain ethnic group, not with any kind of delinquency. However, there is no need to figure out the racist basis of this operation based on its title since the operatives themselves do not conceal that it is targeted almost exclusively at the Roma and not at all law-breakers. It is particularly distressing that almost all of the central newspapers have provided their pages for the publication of information about this explicitly xenophobic police operation, but they have not provided any comments about even the most racist declarations of law-enforcement authorities. Having announced on the front page of its February 27, 2002 issue that “Moscow Gypsies Will Be Brought to Order,” Moskovsky Komsomolets distinguished itself more than the others in this respect. In the article, “Close Interaction with Police Awaiting Gypsies,” it published, among other things, the following: Thus, it was decided that all of the beggars, fortune-tellers, vagabonds, frauds who deceive citizens under the pretence of changing currency, and simply importunate individuals of the gypsy ethnicity would be driven out of railway stations, markets, metro stations, and unpopulated buildings. Places will be checked where, according to operative reports, gypsy-camps temporarily reside. Those who rent their apartments to gypsies will also be checked. Apparently, the idea of “driving out” individuals of a certain ethnicity did not perplex journalists in the least. Even more astonishing is the fact that even those who allow gypsies to live on their premises must be under suspicion. This resembles Hitler-era Germany very much, when Aryans were not allowed to rent to non-Aryans. But apparently, such associations do not bother either the editorial board of Moskovsky Komsomolets or journalists of many other media outlets. Having so gladly responded to the operation “Camp,” they apparently completely agreed with the nationalistic approach of the authorities towards the “Roma issue.” Another example is the recent article “Gypsy-Cossack War on the Don” published in Nezavisimaya Gazeta on February 15, 2002 (issue ¹27). This remarkable article says that a year ago in the town of Novocherkassk there were confrontations between the local Cossacks and the Roma, the reason being alleged drug dealing. It follows from the way the material is presented in the article that the Cossacks, who are presented in a positive light, tried to stand up against drug dealing, and, with that purpose in mind loaded with firearms. They then went to see the Roma. The Roma, presented negatively, did not appreciate the good intentions of the Cossacks, and this lead to a confrontation and to the death of one of the Roma. The author of the article is indignant that the prosecutor deemed it appropriate to apprehend one of the Cossacks (apparently, on the basis of a most serious accusation — that of a murder) but decided not to keep in jail any of the Roma (apparently, they had not killed anyone). The fact that such an article condemning the Roma appeared in one of the largest central newspapers — with all of its absurdity and lack of logic — is frightening and causes great concern. It seems odd that Nezavisimaya Gazeta all of a sudden got intensely interested in a one year old case, especially considering that this material strangely enough has so much in common with other journalistic attacks on the Roma and with nationalistic accusations against the Roma for drug dealing that have become so frequent lately. What is most serious in this case is not the “coincidences” themselves, but the degree to which all of these reports and publications are the execution of somebody’s political order. This political order comes to mind as a result of the decrees appearing almost daily on fighting drug dealing, limiting migration, and other themes that seem to be able to bring things to order. However, it is possible within the context of such declarations that the mass media will be interpreted differently — as a permission to begin national persecutions and oppressions of the “stigmatized.” It was not only in newspapers, but also in other Russian mass media that messages directly associated with the operation “Camp” appeared in late February — early March 2002. A number of programs on both central and regional television and radio announced their support for the measures for fighting drug dealing. Those who are guilty of drug dealing were openly identified; it was emphasized that they were representatives of certain ethnic groups and nationalities, especially the Roma. It is hard to believe that professional journalists and reporters are unaware of the illegitimacy of the accusations that put the blame for violations committed by concrete perpetrators upon the whole ethnic group to which the perpetrators belong, in this case, upon all of the Roma. These perpetrators can be part of any group of people, and they are undoubtedly neither its typical representatives, nor its majority. It is all the more dangerous because journalists possess a colossal influence upon public opinion. Consider, for example, the report that was broadcast on February 25, 2002, by RTR (federal TV) that had to do with drug dealing issues in the Krasnoyarsk region. It was openly stated in the report that the Krasnoyarsk Roma are responsible for drug-related crimes, and the family of a certain “gypsy baron” was shown as an illustration of that. The camera dwelt not only upon the family head and the alleged drug dealer, but also upon his children and grandchildren. A little girl aged three or four stayed in the focus especially long. This was an explicit collective accusation that affects the viewers’ and listeners’ opinion in a very definite way: here they are, the criminal people. How can one speaking about serious violations assign a criminal image to unarguably innocent people, even little children? On February 26, 2002, an analogous episode that had to do with a situation in the Leningrad region was shown on the St. Petersburg evening news. Again, the issue of fighting drug dealing was raised and again the Roma were identified as the guilty parties. In addition, they were accused of fraudulent activities, and finally, overt threats “to take action” were made. Two days prior, a central television station broadcast a “documentary” by Mamontov that also had to do with the Roma dealing drugs, this time in Ekaterinburg. It was there where an original method of addressing this issue at the local level was identified: “We spread the word that drug dealers would be beaten and their houses would be burnt down and immediately 10 gypsy families left town.” The simple conclusion is that the Roma are drug dealers, and illegal threats and intimidation are the right way out of the situation. But why are the “heroes” and the authors of that news report so convinced that they know why the people left when the situation prevents us from a clear understanding? Did the people who left know that they were guilty or was it simply that they had a bitter experience due to undeserved persecutions and knew all too well that if someone had decided to beat and burn it means that the Roma will suffer and nobody will take pains to figure out which one of them is a drug dealer and which one is not? The issue of drug dealing in Ekaterinburg and the propaganda of the local methods to address it (in particular, the propaganda of the “City without Drugs” Fund that obviously acts on the basis of “the goal justifies the means” principle) was also raised in the press in March 2002. Argumenti i Fakti (2002, ¹11) first published a large article notoriously entitled “I am a Heroin Mother” that reported on the successful activities of the renowned Fund. The creed of this organization was formulated by its President, E. Roizman, “Drug addiction can be cured without a single pill, while drug dealing must be fought with what is left of one’s strength.” Since drug addicts are “treated” in Ekaterinburg by being chained to their beds, one can only guess how they “fight” drug dealing there. The publication was decorated with a large photograph. In the photograph, one can see an elbow of a police officer who is apparently apprehending an elderly woman in a tent. The same article, of course, identifies where all the evil originally came from. “It took but two or three years for the gypsy settlement to fill with castles (luxury houses) of red brick, and for the intensive care wards to fill up with half-corpses in a narcotic coma.” A discussion of this topic continued in the next issue of Argumenti i Fakti (2002, ¹12). The article that responded to the previous publication about the Roma and heroin (the same picture of the gypsy woman was reproduced for more clarity) strikes one with its title — “A Lynching Law is the Only Way.” It is quite touching in a sense that this call for the Lynching Law was placed right underneath the section named “Viewpoint.” The headline is followed with a confession of a certain police major who says that in reality he and his colleagues do not apprehend drug dealers, but extort quite a lot of money from them: “Ten to twelve thousand roubles I keep for myself, the rest goes in the pockets of my superiors.” However, the major is still unsatisfied with his life because he “knows firsthand about the dreadful consequences of drug addiction due to the specificity of his occupation.” In his courageous resolution to initiate a personal crusade against drug dealing, the major for some reason decides to start out not with his “superiors” but rather with the “drug-barons.” Just like with the word “camp,” the semantics of the word “drug-baron” leave no doubts that there is a nationalistic approach to the identification of the guilty. The photograph of the Roma mother once again underlines the call for the Lynching Law. The article ends up with his truly frightful promise, “I’ve put together a team of some reliable men. Right now we’re collecting information about drug-barons and drug dealers and then we’ll start killing them. I encourage the cops in all towns to do the same. Otherwise Russia will stop existing.” The idea of saving Russia by “killing” those who are to blame for her troubles, an explicit identification of the people that are responsible for the great calamities that Russia is suffering, an hysterical call for massacres… we all know what this is reminiscent of. In a word, this can no longer be called xenophobia, and the concept of “racism” seems insufficient to define the situation. It is terrible not simply because some nervous major grabs his holster; it is frightening because his outbursts are gladly reproduced by one of the most read newspapers and because all of this falls within the “mainstream” and corresponds with the official position of the authorities and — as sad as it may sound — gains the population’s warmest sympathy. (1) Recorded by S. Kulayeva on the basis of her conversation with I. Berdyshev, psychologist of the St. Petersburg school ¹ 462 (June 2001). (2) Information provided by À. Gorbaty, President of the Roma Association of the Volgograd region. (3) Based on eyewitnesses’ testimonies (March 2002). (4) Based on the testimony of members of the Roma family, the Afanasyevs (December 2001). (5) Based on the testimony of Lala Mikhai (September 2001). (6) Letters and applications from Roma collected by A. Klein (August 2001). (7) Letters and applications from Roma collected by A. Klein (February 2002). (8) Excerpt from the recorded testimony of Tatiana Samulevich (July 2001). (9) From the testimony of Vera K. (July 2001). (10) Ibid. (11) From the testimony of T. M. (June 2001). (12) All these cases were collected and recorded based on the testimonies of witnesses. (July 2001). (13) Based on the testimony of M. Tsybulskaya, victim’s mother (July 2001). (14) Based on the testimony of Tsybulsky’s children (July 2001). (15) Based on the testimony of Trubichino residents (July 2001). (16) Recorded by S. Kulayeva (July 2001). (17) Recorded by S. Kulayeva (January 2002). (18) Recorded by S. Kulayeva (July 2001). (19) Ibid. (20) Ibid. (21) Ibid. (22) Ibid. (23) Recorded by S. Kulayeva (July 2001). Back |
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